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How China's new environmental code translates national ecological goals into everyday rules_我的网站

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    Herds of elk graze in the foreground of a lush wetland in Yancheng, East China's Jiangsu Province, while rows of wind turbines turn gracefully against the distant sky on July 16, 2026. Photo: VCG Editor's Note: 
"Building an ecological civilization concerns the well-being of the people and the future of the nation." 

Chinese President Xi Jinping, also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, once pointed out: "Respecting, adapting to, and protecting nature is essential for building China into a modern socialist country in all respects."
In the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-2030) for national economic and social development, securing major breakthroughs in strategic tasks of overall importance to Chinese modernization and making major new progress in the Beautiful China Initiative are key objectives.
The Global Times is launching a series of articles titled "BeautifulChinaING." From the perspectives of the beauty of nature, the beauty of systems and the beauty of lifestyles, the series uses both Chinese and international cases as entry points. Through field reporting and video storytelling, it explores how green development has become a defining feature of Chinese modernization while showcasing China's role as a responsible major country providing global public goods. 
In this installment, we turn our focus to China's Ecological and Environmental Code and the changes it may bring to everyday life. From neighborhood noise and restaurant fumes to ecological conservation and green development, this article examines how the code brings scattered environmental rules into a unified framework, strengthens public participation and turns the vision of a Beautiful China into concrete rules for environmental governance.
A power drill starts in a neighboring apartment just as someone is trying to sleep. Cooking fumes from the restaurant downstairs drift through an open window. A modified car roars past a residential compound, while a food delivery arrives wrapped in layers of plastic. According to China's new Ecological and Environmental Code, these seemingly minor, everyday frictions - closely tied to how people live, sleep, cook, commute and consume - are precisely where environmental governance begins.
The code will take effect on Saturday. Spanning 1,242 articles across five books, it is China's second law to be formally titled a "code," following the Civil Code. It brings pollution control, ecological conservation and green and low-carbon development under one legal framework, while incorporating 10 existing laws.
Speaking at a press conference held on Thursday, Minister of Ecology and Environment Li Gao said that the Ecological and Environmental Code is of major and far-reaching significance for safeguarding the public's ecological and environmental rights and interests in accordance with the law, consolidating the legal foundation for building a Beautiful China, and accelerating modernization characterized by harmony between humanity and nature.
As China puts the vast environmental code into force, a practical question arises: How will it make daily life quieter, cleaner and easier to navigate - and turn the vision of a Beautiful China into rules that people can see, use and help enforce?
From doorsteps to ecosystems
    Young students at a primary school in Hai'an, Jiangsu Province, study the Ecological and Environmental Code during a class session on June 3, 2026. Photo: VCG The Ecological and Environmental Code reaches far beyond everyday urban concerns, covering ecological conservation and public participation in environmental governance.
In Mengla county, Southwest China's Yunnan Province, elephant ranger Li Shengqian once walked through a large area of flattened cornfields. While local rangers were attending training, more than 40 wild Asian elephants descended from the mountains, ate the ripe sweet corn, rolled in a mineral-rich pond and then retreated into the forest to sleep. 
A local forestry official told the Global Times that an insurance company would assess the damage and compensate the villagers.
Yunnan has gradually turned such compensation from an improvised response into an institutional arrangement. Under its wildlife-damage public liability insurance system, governments pay the premiums, affected farmers do not contribute, and insurers assess and compensate their losses. 
By August 2024, Xishuangbanna had invested 225 million yuan ($33.3 million) in the scheme and paid 215 million yuan in compensation for wildlife damage, including 188 million yuan for losses caused by Asian elephants.
The code gives such practices a clearer legal foundation. Article 828 requires local governments in areas seriously affected by wildlife damage to combine compensation with preventive measures, including protective barriers, warning signs and monitoring and early-warning systems. It also stipulates compensation for deaths, injuries and losses to crops or other property resulting from the protection of specified wildlife. In this way, the cost of conservation is not left solely to those living closest to protected animals.
For environmental volunteers, the change may be felt in a different way. Yun Jianli founded the Green Hanjiang environmental group in Central China's Hubei Province in 2002 and has spent more than two decades investigating pollution along the Hanjiang River. 
Yun said volunteers previously often had difficulty dealing with legal matters. "When dealing with some environmental issues, we often had to search across different laws to find a legal basis," she told the Global Times. "The new code integrates these systems, providing clearer and more authoritative legal support for environmental actions."
That support extends beyond a general recognition of participation. The code requires public consultations in environmental planning, standard-setting and impact assessments; mandates accessible reporting channels and feedback for real-name reports; and prohibits employers from retaliating against workers who report pollution by their own organizations. 
For volunteers such as Yun, public participation is therefore no longer only an appeal to civic responsibility. It is positioned as a legally protected part of environmental governance.
After Saturday, the code's practical effect will be tested in equally concrete ways.
From blueprint to reality
Turning this wide breadth of laws into a single code requires more than collecting existing statutes. Lawmakers first had to decide which rules should be fully integrated, which specialized laws should remain in place and where new legal foundations were needed. 
Compilation formally began on November 3, 2023. A leadership group coordinated major issues, a drafting task force handled the text, and an expert committee provided specialist input. The draft was reviewed twice as a whole and twice in separate books before it was adopted on March 12, 2026, completing a process of nearly two and a half years.
The approach was described as "moderate codification." Huang Wei, a deputy director of the Legislative Affairs Commission of the National People's Congress (NPC) Standing Committee and coordinator of the drafting task force, told the People's Daily that the aim was not to absorb every environmental law into one volume. Instead, different groups of laws were treated differently.
Ten laws covering environmental protection, environmental impact assessment, cleaner production and major forms of pollution control were revised and incorporated in full, and will no longer remain as separate statutes once the code takes effect. Core provisions from more than 20 other laws involving forests, grasslands, major river basins, national parks, energy and resource conservation were included while those laws were retained. For newer fields such as climate governance and the carbon-peaking and carbon-neutrality goals, the code establishes guiding principles while leaving room for more detailed legislation.
The code was also shaped outside meeting rooms in Beijing. In May 2025, Chinese and international students at a vocational university in Southwest China's Chongqing Municipality discussed the draft, with their suggestions sent to the national legislature through a grassroots legislative contact point, according to the Xinhua News Agency.
Ma Jun, director of the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs, also took part in seminars organized by the Legislative Affairs Commission of the NPC Standing Committee and other departments during the code's drafting. His organization later submitted detailed proposals when the draft was released for public comment, he told the Global Times.
"The open legislative process was significant in itself, as it prompted broad public discussion of decades of environmental legislation and the major issues of our time," Ma said. "It has enabled the code to engage with cutting-edge international legislative theories while remaining grounded in the practical challenges China faces," Ma said.
During the four rounds of public consultation, more than 7,000 people participated and submitted over 20,000 comments. The drafting team conducted research in more than 30 localities and held 17 seminars in Beijing with national legislators, government departments, companies, social organizations and scholars, the People's Daily reported. 
Suggestions from the public and grassroots contact points helped shape rules on emerging pollutants, urban greening, climate governance and legal liability. Following deliberations at the final NPC session, more than 200 additional changes were made, including over 100 substantive revisions, Xinhua reported.
Passing the code, however, did not automatically align the many rules beneath it. The Ministry of Ecology and Environment said it was reviewing more than 500 related documents, including over 30 administrative regulations, more than 80 departmental rules and over 400 normative documents. Provisions that conflict with, fail to connect with or no longer fit the code will be revised or repealed, while supporting rules and technical standards are being updated.
Innovative tools have also been used in preparation for the code's implementation. An AI-assisted system has been developed to address the difficulties and high costs involved in assessing ecological and environmental damage. The system has been piloted free of charge in 28 provincial-level regions and applied in more than 300 cases, reducing average assessment time by over 80 percent, according to the ministry.
Wider legal practice
Environmental codification is not unique to China. Sweden adopted its Environmental Code in 1998 and brought together rules previously contained in 15 acts. It then entered into force on January 1, 1999. France issued the legislative part of its Environmental Code in September 2000. Germany also attempted to establish a unified environmental code, but the project stalled in 2009.
In terms of the Ecological and Environmental Code of China, an article published in the international journal Carbon Research described it as a systemic response to the interconnected crises of pollution, biodiversity loss and climate change, while also identifying incomplete supporting rules, uneven legal coordination and limited public awareness as implementation challenges.
An editorial by the People's Daily published on Thursday noted that the enactment of the Ecological and Environmental Code signifies a major transformation in China from a participant to a leader in global environmental governance, providing a legislative model that can be studied by countries around the world, especially developing countries.
Lu Weifu, a researcher at the University of Science and Technology of China, wrote in an article published by China Environment News that the code's distinctive feature lies in combining systematic integration with an open structure. Unlike environmental codes primarily shaped around conventional pollution control, China's code places pollution prevention, ecological conservation and green and low-carbon development within the same framework. Its separate book on green and low-carbon development also brings climate change and economic transformation into the core structure of environmental law.
Ma said that conventional air-pollution control and climate governance had long operated in relatively separate legal systems. By connecting the control of conventional pollutants with reductions in greenhouse-gas emissions, he said, the code could support more coordinated regulation and reduce duplicated systems and administrative work. 
The larger shift is from dealing with environmental harm only after it occurs to addressing how energy, industry and consumption generate that harm in the first place, he said.
    Residents enjoy leisure activities at a sports park transformed from a sand pit left behind by years of unregulated mining in Qionghai, South China's Hainan Province, on August 12, 2026. Photo: VCG After the code takes effect, most people will never read all 1,242 articles. They will encounter it through more practical tests: Whether environmental information can be found, whether a complaint receives a response, whether a polluter repairs the damage and whether a river or neighborhood becomes measurably cleaner. 
That is where this wide-ranging legal experiment returns to the scale at which environmental protection is ultimately felt - the life outside a person's window.
。    Mike McCarter knows his American history almost as well as he knows his Bible. His family has lived and worshipped in Oregon for four generations. "The only time I lived out of the state was during the Vietnam War when I was in the military," he said.But his Oregon may not be the Oregon you're thinking of, the one with the misty rugged coastline, pinot noir wineries, and its loyally Blue politics. McCarter lives in the town of La Pine, in the state's rural and more sparsely populated part – the Red side of Oregon.      "It's almost like the Grand Canyon goes right along the Cascade Range," he told correspondent Lee Cowan. "It is a big divide."What that means politically, he says, is that the Blue part of Western Oregon always outweighs the Eastern part's Red.  "In talking to a legislator over in the Portland area, I said, 'The legislature doesn't listen to our people, our representatives over here.' He said, 'Whoa whoa whoa, stop, Mike. We hear what they're staying. We just out-vote you.'"                 So, McCarter decided to look for greener pastures - or in this case, at least ones a little more red. Last fall, when "Sunday Morning" first met McCarter, he was spearheading a campaign called Move Oregon's Border. The group had been busy introducing ballot measures all across the state asking voters about the idea of pushing the urban, Blue bits of Oregon into a smaller but still populous state, and then taking the rural Red bits and creating what would be part of a more expansive Idaho.

             

Sandie Gilson owns a real estate business in rural John Day, Oregon, which is closer to Boise than it is Portland in virtually every way. She told Cowan, "When you have a government that won't listen to the opposition, or take into account those of us that live out here, then we have no government representation."Cowan asked Gilson, "Are you optimistic that you think you have a chance?""I look at it like the American Revolution was a big hurdle to make, and they did it," she replied.                      It'd been a year since "Sunday Morning" visited, so Cowan went back, to find out how things stood. Back then, nine counties had voted in favor of considering making Eastern Oregon part of Idaho.  Now, that number is up 12, with another set to vote next May.

             

"We're getting into people's heads about this," McCarter said.As for Idaho, well, it's at least open to discussions. This past spring Idaho's state representatives  approved a measure to begin a dialogue with Oregon over whether and how to redraw their common boundary. But so far, McCarter said Oregon is playing hard to get, at least in public. "We've heard from behind the scenes, 'Wait a minute, if we fund a bridge in Eastern Oregon, why would be we do that if it's going to become Idaho?'" he said. But the opposition has swung into gear, too. A Portland non-profit called Western States Center is branding the move a "radical change" that would raise taxes and cut wages. Comparing it to Oregon's past white nationalists hate groups, one ad declares, "Members of Patriot Group, a white nationalist hate group, support a secession. Makes you wonder: Why are violent extremists pushing for secession?"Their message: If rural conservatives don't like Oregon's urban liberal leanings, well, don't move the border, move themselves instead.                      McCarter said, "We're not running away from the problem, we're not going to run away and move to Idaho. We're going to deal with the problem right here and now."There are a lot of details still to be ironed out, and the devil is in every one of them. Not to mention the fact that actually changing the border would require both Oregon and Idaho to agree, and would then need approval by the U.S. Congress.Richard Kreitner, author of the book "Break It Up: Secession, Division, and the Secret History of America's Imperfect Union," says it's hardly a new idea: "I don't think that we should act like state lines are written in stone. We should look at them and say, 'Does this actually make sense?'

             

"Secession has always been there. Catholics lived in Maryland, debtors lived in Georgia, you know, Puritans lived in New England. They were kind of separate to begin with. And that's why they wanted nothing to do with one another.""So, it's really woven into our DNA?" asked Cowan. "Absolutely. There's nothing sacred about Oregon. There's nothing sacred about Delaware or my native New Jersey, in my opinion. You know, these are just kind of inherited forms."Mike McCarter will be the first to tell you that moving Oregon's border is radical. But, he says, if we've learned anything about our politics in the last several years, it's that "conventional" seems so yesterday.                      "I mean, as fast as things are changing in this country right now, why can't we?" he said. "Why can't people still have the right to vote for who governs them?"
       For more info:

• GreaterIdaho.org
• "Break It Up: Secession, Division, and the Secret History of America's Imperfect Union" by Richard Kreitner (Little, Brown and Co.), in Hardcover, eBook and Audio formats, available via Amazon, Barnes & Noble and Bookshop.org
• richardkreitner.com
• Western States Center

     
Story produced by Michelle Kessel. Editor: Remington Korper.                                  

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